Executive Summary
Two document releases landed this week, and together they describe the same problem from two directions: the evidence is public, and nobody is being charged.
The Senate Homeland Security Committee pulled 34,000 text messages and 522 voicemails off Anthony Fauci's government-issued phone. Inside that trove sits a January 2021 exchange between Fauci, Dr. Vivek Murthy, and Dr. Rochelle Walensky in which Fauci himself raises the possibility that a cytokine storm and fever after the second dose could theoretically be associated with first-trimester miscarriage. Walensky answers: "definitely a good point." At the same moment, the public was being told there were no red flags — a reassurance built on the fact that pregnant women had been excluded from the pivotal pre-authorization trials entirely.
The second release concerns the FBI. Fourteen separate informants brought the Bureau corruption warnings about the Biden family. Instead of running those leads, the FBI launched a secret operation in 2020 — roughly six months before the election — called Round River, whose function was to classify Ukraine corruption allegations as Russian disinformation. Declassified documents name Rudy Giuliani, Bill Barr, Mike Pompeo, Richard Donoghue, Lindsey Graham, Ron Johnson, Chuck Grassley, Jim Jordan, Devin Nunes, Pete Sessions and Mick Mulvaney as "conduits of Russian disinformation," while reclassifying figures tied to Burisma and Hunter Biden as victims of it.
And then March Toll surfaced — an FBI investigation opened on May 10, 2017 against the sitting Attorney General of the United States, Jeff Sessions.
Peter Navarro, at 74, served four months in jail for contempt. From the other column, not one person has been indicted. This post walks through what the records actually say, why the accountability gap persists, and where our leverage still lives.
Scroll to the bottom for Key Takeaways.
What the Fauci Text Messages Actually Show About Pregnancy Risk
Let's be careful and specific, because precision is our best weapon here.
Fauci's own message discusses the significant cytokine storm and fever that many people experience after the second dose — and states that this could theoretically be associated with miscarriage in the first trimester. That is his framing, in his words, on his government phone.
He surrounded it with qualifiers. The data were limited. Risks and benefits had to be weighed. No issues had arisen among the roughly 10,000 vaccinated pregnant women then being tracked, and the FDA had reportedly found no red flags so far.
But here is the part that should stop all of us cold. Pregnant women had been excluded from the pivotal pre-authorization trials. There was no pregnancy-specific evidence base to consult. So the reassurance the public received was not built on safety findings — it was built on an absence of data.
That distinction is everything. An absence of evidence is not evidence of safety.
What we now know is that Fauci, Walensky, Murthy, and officials at both the FDA and CDC were, in January 2021, actively concerned about pregnant women receiving these shots — while the public messaging admitted no concern at all.
Redfield's 14 Percent — And Why He Never Supported the Policy
Former CDC Director Robert Redfield came out and said what many of us had already concluded.
He was addressing a New England Journal paper published that April, which reported 827 pregnancies in individuals who had received the COVID vaccine — and, within that report, 115 miscarriages or spontaneous abortions.
Redfield was scrupulous about the limits of that number, and I want to be equally scrupulous. There was no control group in that report. Without one, you cannot know the background miscarriage rate in the study population, and you cannot draw causation from the figure. He said so directly.
What he also said is that a rate of almost 14 percent is disconcerting — and that his own position was clear: "I never thought we should vaccinate pregnant women."
His reasoning was structural, not emotional. The argument for vaccinating pregnant women was that protecting the mother from infection would protect the unborn baby. But the vaccine did not prevent infection. Redfield's view was that the product's real accomplishment was preventing serious illness and death in people at high risk — largely those over 65, a group that by definition does not include pregnant women.
If the premise fails, the recommendation fails with it. So why did the recommendation stand?
And what happened to the women who noticed? They were removed from Facebook and Twitter for trying to warn other women that they had miscarried after vaccination. Now they are calling lawyers.
This is exactly why holding one man accountable is not enough and never was. There are a half dozen, if not a dozen, officials who should sit in front of the American people and tell the truth about COVID and everything that surrounded it. Fauci took the Fifth at his hearing. Meanwhile our own government has approved Moderna's mRNA platform for the flu shot — which means hospitals, daycares, and employers will begin mandating it. How does any government credibly hold Fauci accountable with one hand while licensing the next round with the other?
Round River: How 14 FBI Informants Became a Disinformation Label
Now the second file, and it is just as documented.
Fourteen informants brought the FBI corruption warnings about the Biden family. This came after senior officials already knew the Hunter Biden laptop was authentic. It was real. It is real. And it documents compromising arrangements involving China, Romania, Russia, and above all Ukraine.
The Bureau set those informants aside. In 2020, about six months before the election, it launched Round River — an operation built to classify Ukraine corruption allegations as Russian disinformation.
Then the label was turned on the investigators. The Round River team flagged Bill Barr and Mike Pompeo as Russian conduits while those two men were themselves examining Biden family corruption. The declassified list extends to Giuliani, Donoghue, Graham, Johnson, Grassley, Jordan, Nunes, Sessions and Mulvaney.
And then the labels inverted completely — the figures connected to Burisma and Hunter Biden were classified as victims of Russian disinformation.
The people running that operation had personnel in Ukraine. They were positioned to know what was true there. That is not analytic failure. Failure is random. This was directional.
March Toll and the Shadow Government Inside the Bureau
Three days before this episode aired, another operation surfaced: March Toll.
On May 10, 2017, the FBI opened an investigation on the sitting Attorney General of the United States, Jeff Sessions. Read that twice. The Bureau opened a case on the man legally responsible for supervising the Bureau.
In other times this had a name — sedition, treason. Right now it apparently has no name at all, because no one with charging authority has been willing to give it one.
Look at what surrounds it. An FBI agent, Nikki Flores, whose own email describes running a shadow government inside the Bureau to hide things from the sitting administration. The finding, well before the 2020 election, that the CCP had acquired 200 million American citizens' names, addresses, and voting information — including the sitting president's. A formal agreement between the FBI and the Southern Poverty Law Center, under which a private advocacy group's classifications were carried directly into federal intelligence products.
When a private organization's categories become federal categories, that private organization is exercising public power without a single vote behind it.
And the 51 intelligence officials who signed the pre-election letter about the laptop have never been charged with conspiracy to defraud the people of the United States.
Compare that to Peter Navarro — 74 years old, four months in jail for contempt. That asymmetry is the whole story.
The Fourth Branch: Intelligence, Media, and the Playbook Turned Inward
None of this began in 2020, and that is the piece most people skip.
A retired senior intelligence officer with more than thirty years of service told journalist John Solomon directly that the community took the playbook for psychological operations and information warfare built for use against foreign enemies — and turned it against the American people, to undo the 2016 election and to prevent a Trump win in 2020. That is not an outside inference. That is a practitioner describing the method.
A capability built for foreign targets does not stay foreign once it has been domesticated.
The same architecture shows up in the information layer. The Intercept reported, on FOIA documents, that NBC's Ken Dilanian routinely sent drafts of his stories to the CIA press office before publication, and that the agency at points secured changes to his copy. Larry Sanger, Wikipedia's co-founder, has said plainly that the CIA has already edited Wikipedia — and warns that AI systems now train on that same corpus. Margaret Brennan sits on the board of the Council on Foreign Relations.
John McAfee described the shadow government as warring factions inside the intelligence community that hold the real operational picture and feed presidents what he called pablum — because presidents serve four years, maybe eight, and the apparatus never leaves. Permanence is the advantage. Elections are the interruption.
Some now call the agencies the fourth branch of government: no meaningful oversight, opaque budgets, opaque operations — a design traceable to Allen Dulles and the postwar architecture I write about in my book. The soft-power arm is documented too: 83 regime-change operations abroad run through the funding vehicle known as USAID, which is not aid but international development and influence, deployed on behalf of a global public-private architecture.
Where Our Power Still Lives — Local Action Beats Washington Paralysis
Here is the honest concession, and then the pivot.
Washington, D.C. is captured. The agencies fight each other and protect themselves. The universities have been absorbed — Harvard's own 2013 internal study concluded that under a grades-and-scores-only system, its Black undergraduate population would be 0.67 percent, a figure that surfaced in the Students for Fair Admissions litigation alongside evidence that Harvard systematically assigned Asian applicants low "personality" scores. Tyler Austin Harper, who entered Bates College in 2019 as a tenure-track professor believing warnings about ideological capture were exaggerated, watched the institution reward a vocabulary that converted disagreement into harm, harm into administrative jurisdiction, and jurisdiction into power over curriculum and hiring — and then walked away from the career he had spent decades building.
That is a diagnosis, not a verdict on the republic. Because the power that was never captured is closer to your kitchen table than you think.
Florida went after Fauci directly. Florida went after the New York Times directly. Florida designated the Muslim Brotherhood and CAIR as terrorist organizations, and Texas did the same under Governor Abbott. Whatever you think of any single action, notice the mechanism — a state legislature and a governor moved where the federal government would not.
That mechanism belongs to every one of us. It is your county. It is your state. It is your school board's contracts and your city council's grant agreements. We the People are not spectators to this; we are the only jurisdiction that has never been captured.
They tell us our nationalism is the problem. That is a lie. Loving your nation, your history, your children's future, and wanting this country to succeed is a good thing — because our rights come from God, not from government.
Who rules? In the republic our Founders designed, the answer must always be the people. So let's act like it.
Key Takeaways
- The Senate Homeland Security Committee pulled 34,000 texts and 522 voicemails from Fauci's government phone, including a January 2021 chain with Murthy and Walensky on miscarriage risk after the second dose.
- Pregnant women were excluded from the pivotal pre-authorization trials — the "no red flags" reassurance rested on missing data, not on safety data.
- Robert Redfield cited 115 miscarriages among 827 vaccinated pregnancies from an April New England Journal report, noted the absence of a control group, and said he never supported vaccinating pregnant women.
- The FBI set aside 14 corruption informants and launched Round River in 2020 to classify Ukraine corruption allegations as Russian disinformation.
- Declassified records label Giuliani, Barr, Pompeo, Donoghue, Graham, Johnson, Grassley, Jordan, Nunes, Sessions and Mulvaney "conduits of Russian disinformation" — and Burisma-connected figures as victims.
- March Toll was an FBI investigation opened May 10, 2017 against sitting Attorney General Jeff Sessions.
- Peter Navarro, 74, served four months for contempt; not one figure from the opposing operation has been indicted.
- Florida and Texas acted at the state level where Washington would not — proof that local and state jurisdictions are where our leverage remains.
Frequently Asked Questions
If it's all in writing on a government phone, why hasn't anyone been charged?
Because documents are evidence, not charges — and charges require a Justice Department willing to file them. The Senate Homeland Security Committee has made the trove public, so the material is no longer the obstacle. The will is. That is precisely the gap we are pressing on.
Does the 115-miscarriage number prove the shots caused those miscarriages?
No, and I won't overstate it. Redfield was explicit that the New England Journal report had no control group, so you cannot establish a baseline rate or causation from it. What it establishes is that a rate near 14 percent was visible and, in his word, disconcerting — at the same moment the public was told there were no red flags.
Why is Round River worse than a normal counterintelligence investigation?
A normal investigation follows its informants. This one set fourteen aside and built a classification scheme that made the allegations themselves the foreign threat — then applied that label to a sitting Attorney General, a Secretary of State, and multiple sitting members of Congress, while labeling Burisma-connected figures victims.
Isn't prosecuting Fauci enough to close the COVID chapter?
One face is not a system. A half dozen to a dozen officials across CDC, FDA, and the White House medical apparatus should testify publicly about what they knew and when. Prosecuting a single symbol and calling it justice is how the architecture survives intact — and the Moderna flu approval shows the architecture is still operating.
If Washington won't move, what can one person actually do?
Everything that matters starts where you live. Pull one primary document and learn to cite it. Take one concrete ask to your state legislature in writing, with a deadline. Audit your school district's contracts and your county's NGO pass-throughs. Florida acted because Floridians made it survivable to act.
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